Who owns the air?
Despite its simplicity, this is a question that many of my
students got wrong. Whenever I’d ask it
in my Mass Media class, a few brave souls would confidently call out “the
government.”
Wrong. It’s
mine. Mine, mine, mine.
The problem (or the virtue, depending on one’s perspective) is
that it’s also yours. The air, or more
accurately the electromagnetic spectrum that passes through it, is owned by the
American public (at least within the United States.) If anybody wants to use it for private
purposes, they have to have my permission.
Yours, too.
And everybody else’s.
It wasn’t always that way.
In the infancy of radio, anybody with the simplest of equipment could
start broadcasting anything they wanted.
After all, the First Amendment guarantees freedom of speech and of the
press, doesn’t it? We’re a free people,
aren’t we? So all across the country
aspiring broadcasters—bakers, car dealers, entertainers, charlatans, religious
leaders, even kids in their basements with tubes affixed to mom’s breadboard—started
filling the airwaves.
And, quite quickly, they made an unfortunate discovery: the electromagnetic spectrum, and
particularly the part of it devoted to radio and television signals, is a
severely limited resource. There’s only
a certain amount of “water” that can fit through this “hose.” Signals started crossing. Those with greater power drowned out those
with less. Distant stations interfered
with local ones broadcasting on the same frequency. Everybody was talking at the same time. The
entire medium faced a collapse into chaos.
Somebody needed to be a traffic cop, and since radio waves
don’t respect local boundaries, that cop had to be the federal government. First in 1927, as the Federal Radio
Commission, and with expanded powers in 1934 as the Federal Communications Commission,
that regulator was established by Congress.
And broadcasting, the most powerful medium in human history, the most
influential force in American life of the 20th Century, has been
censored. (Yes, I know: even the FCC
claims that they lack “censorship” power, and technically that’s true; nobody
is jailed for violating their regulations.
But I’m thinking of “censorship” in a broader sense, as I’ll try to
explain below.)
“Wait,” you’re thinking about now. “Where are the boobs you promised? Why are we getting a lecture on media law?” Don’t worry:
here they, or at least one of them, are.
During the halftime show of the Super Bowl in 2004, singers
Janet Jackson and Justin Timberlake “accidentally” exposed, for a microsecond,
one of her breasts. Writer Marin
Cogan analyzes the “event” and its impact in far more detail than I could,
but the upshot is that this one microsecond of partial nudity exposed (pun
intended) the glaring hypocrisy of television regulation. Led by an organized campaign, half a million
people complained to the FCC for this violation of “decency” standards, and the
FCC fined 20 Viacom-owned stations $550,000 (later reversed by the courts).
Just the
next month, viewers so inclined could have watched Season 5 of The Sopranos and enjoyed multiple
blood-spattered murders, graphic sex and nudity (one frequent setting was a
strip club) and profanity-saturated dialogue, as well as a story line which,
some might argue, made mobsters into sympathetic characters. The FCC acted on no complaints about The Sopranos; no fines were imposed or
even contemplated.
The difference? The Sopranos was produced for Home Box
Office (HBO), carried by cable and satellite and available only to those
willing to pay a rather hefty premium for it.
HBO did not need to seek public permission to use the medium, and the
FCC has no jurisdiction over it.
And here’s the paradox of television: programming (or at least some of it) is much
better now than ever before, of a quality that often exceeds even the best
movies. Such series as The Sopranos, The Wire, House of Cards, Mad
Men, etc. exemplify the most complex and challenging writing, acting and
production available in American culture today.
And yet they’re only possible because television has transformed from a
democratic medium to one for the elite.
Ironically, the First Amendment now protects programming that is not
available to large numbers of Americans.
Broadcast television, using the public airwaves, was
democratic; it was required by law to offer something for everybody—all the owners of the airwaves. Of course, it never really did this; it
always catered to a white, middle-class audience, the target of mass
advertisers. In fact, this kind of “democracy”
actually led to a kind of tyranny—the tyranny of the conventional. Since programming was ratings-driven,
television was dictated by majority rule—and the majority, in this case, wasn’t
just ethnic, but also economic. The
result was a fairy-tale view of American life, a fantasy of family and manners
that never existed, and never could have. Lucy and Ricky slept in separate beds, even
when she was pregnant (a word she couldn’t use). Captain Kirk and Lieutenant Uhuru exchanged
an interracial kiss—but only under compulsion by aliens. Western heroes contested hundreds of
gunfights, but the bullets never drew blood from the bodies they punctured. And
the language television characters spoke was decorous and “moral”, as far
removed from real American English as any Shakespeare production. Good triumphed and evil was punished, and even
the news edited out graphic content to avoid disturbing complacent viewers. And half-time shows featured marching bands
and clean-cut, “Up With People”-style choral groups. The standard for decades, agreed upon by the
FCC and the broadcasters themselves, was the “least common denominator”; that
programming is best which offends the fewest.
Pay television has radically changed that. Some might argue that The Sopranos is no more “realistic”, in the long run, than Gunsmoke; fair enough. Any dramatic structure with a beginning, a
middle and an end is going to distort the chaos of real life. But at least there’s more variety, more
complexity of characterization and plot development, more willingness to
explore uncomfortable issues. And, yes,
more boobs.
But what of a medium for a democracy? What are the consequences of segregating the
best programming, the best sporting events, the concerts and topical comedy,
behind an increasingly burdensome pay wall?
What is the morality of leaving the “leftovers” for the poor or those
without cable or satellite service while the elite get to enjoy the “good stuff”? Granted, increasingly such programming is
available directly from internet sources such as Netflix or Hulu. But these still require disposable income—lots
of it.
We used to be able, at least, to discuss the latest episode
of M*A*S*H the next morning at
work. Have we lost even that basic bond?
No comments:
Post a Comment